Written by Ashley Cowie. First published 01 March 2020 - republished 08 November 2024. Field research and archaeology: Ashley Cowie, Lori Umberg, Walter Payne, Noah Wendrich, Natalia Reyes Escobar and Jay Parker.

Abstract: This research provides new insights into Muisca archaeoastronomy, territorial organization, and creation mythology, revealing previously uncharted geodetic alignments associated with the Temple of the Moon in Chía, Cundinamarca, Colombia. Through non-intrusive archaeological methods, the study also uncovered a rare tumbaga statuette representing Chía, the Muisca goddess of the moon, offering a tangible connection to Muisca creation mythology. These findings shed light on the Muisca’s integration of celestial alignments within their built environment and their sophisticated understanding of geography, metallurgy, and spiritual symbolism, enriching our understanding of Andean indigenous cultural practices and their relationship with the natural and cosmic landscape.

Keywords: Muisca. Chibcha. Archaeoastronomy. Sacred Geography. Alignment. Chia. Bochica. Creation Mythology. Indigenous Territories. Bochica. Chia. Colombia.

1.0 Solar and Lunar Territories

The Muisca (Chibcha) people, accomplished agriculturists, thrived in the central Andes of modern Colombia from around 800 CE until the Spanish conquest in 1537 CE. Renowned for mass-producing textiles, they traded widely, mined salt in Zipaquirá, and imported emeralds from Muzo, exchanging these goods for gold with distant indigenous groups. As one of South America's four High Civilizations - alongside the Aztec, Maya, and Inca - the Muisca excelled in metallurgy, creating intricate gold, silver, and tumbaga alloy artifacts, often set with emeralds. Yet, unlike other cultures, the Muisca placed no monetary value in gold and silver, using them exclusively for sacred offerings to deities in lakes, waterfalls, fields, and caves. [1]

Fray Pedro Simón, a Spanish Franciscan friar, professor, and chronicler, interviewed Muisca leaders in 1599 CE and documented significant aspects of their culture and mythology. Simón noted that the entirety of Muisca religion was centered around the worship of an omnipotent creator deity known as Chiminigagua (alternatively Chiminichagua or Chimichagua). In darkened circular temples known as Chunsua and Cusmuy, which functioned as solar and lunar observatories resepctively, gold artifacts were offered to Sué, the Sun god (also known as Xué, Sua, Zuhe, or Suhé), while silver offerings were dedicated to his consort, Chía, the goddess of the moon (also referred to as Chie, Huitaca, Guitaca, Huythaca, Xubchasgagua, Jubchrasguaya, or Yubecayguaya). In Muisca cosmology, lunar eclipses symbolized the marriage between Sué, the deity responsible for mountains, light, and heat, and Chía, who governed all liquid elements, including rivers, springs, lagoons, floods, tides, sap, and female fertility and ovulation. This celestial union underscores the centrality of astronomy within Muisca society and highlights the cultural significance of the institution of marriage. [2]

When Spanish conquistadors arrived on the Bogotá savanna in April 1537 CE, the northern Muisca territories (zacazgo) were governed by the zaque, a ruler based in Hunza (modern-day Tunja), who was closely associated with the Sun god Sué. In this region, key agricultural and ritual events followed a solar-based calendar, and vast quantities of gold were offered in Sué's name, with the Sun's state worship centralized at the grand Temple of the Sun in Sugamuxi (modern-day Sogamoso), known as the City of the Sun. In contrast, the southern territories (zipazgo) were ruled by the zipa of Bacatá (Bogotá), who venerated Chía, the goddess of the moon. As the matron of the lunisolar calendar, Chía received offerings of silver at the central Temple of the Moon in the town named after her, Chía, located approximately 13 kilometres (8 miles) north of Bogotá. At the top of the political, religious, and societal hierarchy were the zaques and zipas, while each tribal community within these regions was led by a cacique (chief), who managed regional economic and political affairs. In their native language - “Muysc cubun” - priests were known as ogques, though the Spanish referred to them as jeques or xeque, and they administered local rituals, feasts, and ceremonies under the guidance of the High Priestess stationed at the Temple of the Moon in Chía.

1.1 Temple of the Sun, Sogamoso

From his seat of power in Hunza (Tunja), the ruling zaque governed the northernmost Muisca territories, while the spiritual and political administration was entrusted to the Iraca of Sogamoso, the high priest of the Temple of the Sun. The Sun was venerated in hundreds of temples, shrines, and solar observatories scattered across the region, where rituals, feasts, and ceremonies were conducted in synchrony with key phases of the solar calendar. Spanish records note that Muisca pilgrims traveled "from hundreds of miles to worship at the Temple of the Sun, situated on the right bank of the Monquirá River in Sogamoso. In the early 17th century, Pedro Simón described this temple as the "Rome or Mecca of the Muisca," adorned with "luminous sheets of gold" and connected to villages by "huge straight roads." Simón also detailed the temple's architecture, noting that it was "constructed according to the positions of the Sun… sustained on pillars of pure gold," surrounded by "golden statues standing around a court." At the entrance, “a row of mummies, adorned with golden ornaments and emeralds,” stood as sentinels. From this temple/observatory, teams of skywatchers and cartographers assisted in making critical agricultural decisions, such as when to plant and harvest crops. [3]

Spanish conquistador Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada y Riviera, a distant cousin of Hernán Cortés and Francisco Pizarro, the conquerors of Mexico and Peru, arrived at the Temple of the Sun on September 4, 1537 CE. Though he masked his intentions by delaying action until the next day, that night two of his soldiers, Miguel Sánchez and Juan Rodríguez Parra, raided the temple. Lusting after gold and emeralds, these two Spaniards accidentally set the temple ablaze with their torches, and the structure was consumed by fire. For centuries, the remnants of the once-great Temple of the Sun remained buried beneath the modern city of Sogamoso. However, in 1942, Dr. Silva Celis, a Colombian pioneer of archaeology and archaeoastronomy, uncovered Muisca mummies at a burial site in Sogamoso, which led to the rediscovery and reconstruction of the temple. Rebuilt according to the positions of the original pillars, the new temple stands 18 meters (59 feet) high and can be visited today at the Archaeological Museum in Sogamoso, offering visitors a glimpse into the grandeur of this ancient solar temple. [4]

1.2 Temple Of The Moon, Chia

The religious and political center of the southern Muisca territories was the Temple of the Moon located in Chía, know today as the "City of the Moon," in the Cundinamarca department of Colombia. Situated 35 kilometres (22 miles) north of Bogotá on the main route to the Zipaquirá salt mines, the modern city of Chía derives its name from the Muisca word "Chie." Researcher Diego F. Gómez published the Muysca-Spanish Dictionary in which he noted, In Muysccubun, the language of the Muisca, the word "Chie" signified not only the moon, but also “light, brightness, glow, burning (from a light source), month, and nettle,” depending on the context. [5] Today, the administrative and tourist center of Chía is centered around Santander Park and the Church of St. Lucia, which serves as the headquarters for the Municipality and parish of St. Lucia. However, this modern plaza and church are built atop the site of the Muisca's central Temple of the Moon, which once housed associated lunar observatories and educational institutions.

The lunar goddess Chía was venerated as the patron deity and spiritual mother of the ruling zipa, with her various attributes documented by chroniclers such as Juan de Castellanos in his Elegías de varones ilustres de Indias, and by writers Lucas Fernández de Piedrahita and Pedro Simón. Chía was described by these sources using multiple names, including “Chie, Huitaca, Guitaca, Huythaca, Xubchasgagua, Jubchrasguaya, and Yubecayguaya.” Characterized as "three times wise, great, and powerful," Chía was regarded as a goddess of "extreme beauty" and “the sovereign of witchcraft and sexual liberation." She presided over aspects of reality associated with fluidity, such as water, tides, femininity, fertility, as well as the arts, dance, and music, promoting “joy, games, pleasure, and drunkenness." [6]

The worship of Chía was aligned with the three monthly phases of the moon. During the waxing moon, she was revered as the youthful and rebellious goddess Huitaca. At the full moon, she took on the role of the pregnant fertility goddess Chía, and during the waning moon, she was identified as the wise old mother-earth goddess “Yubecayguaya” (Bachué). These three archetypes of the goddess Chía correspond closely with descriptions of the Greek lunar deities Artemis, Selene, and Hecate, who represented the maiden, mother, and crone aspects of femininity in ancient Greek mythology. Similarly, Chia parallels the Roman goddess Diana who was associated with the hunt, the moon, and the underworld, symbolizing youth, adulthood, and death.

The Muisca considered gold to be "Semen of the Sun" and priests presented large quantities to the Sun god Sué at the Temple of the Sun in Sogamoso. In contrast, offerings to the goddess Chía were made in the form of silver artifacts, which were referred to as "tears of the moon." According to indigenous accounts, Mariana Escribano, in her 2000 book Five Myths of the Oral Literature Muisca or Chibcha, provides a detailed description of the silver on display at the moon temple in Chía.

Covered with fine silver leaves, which say the poets displayed magical reflections and sounds in the moonlight. In the temple of the White Lady, the tapestries, curtains and ornaments were richly worked in threads and fine watermarks of silver, trimmed in the same material sacred. The altar was supported by columns of Palo Santo or Guayacán, splendidly embossed and silver coated. [7]

Spanish conquistadors meticulously documented the inventory and distribution of gold, emeralds, and silver extracted from the Temple of the Sun in Sogamoso and other village shrines. However, there are no recorded accounts of silver treasures recovered from the Temple of the Moon in Chía, which contributed to significant frustration for the acquisitive De Quesada. Historian Lucas Fernández Piedrahíta (1624-1688 CE), in his General History of the Conquests of the New Kingdom of Granada, written for King Carlos II of Spain, provides a detailed account of the movements of the treasures of Tuesquesusa, the last Zipa, whose earthly mother was the High Priestess of the moon at the temple of the moon in Chia.

Quesada with his expedition was encamped at Cajica. News was brought to him that the Cacique of Chia had buried all his treasures in a safe hiding-place. When the treasure was all buried and hidden so securely that it has never yet been found, the officers butchered all the slaves so that they never could reveal the secret. The Cacique of Chia then cut off the officers heads with his own hand, thus making certain they could never tell the Spaniards where the buried treasure was concealed. [8]

The Temple of the Moon in Chía hosted the prestigious Los Seminarios de Cucas, an academy where future zipas and caciques underwent a demanding 12-year training led by xeques - astronomer-priests and guardians of sacred calendars. The xeques instructed students in a range of disciplines, including politics, economics, geometry, mathematics, metrology, cartography, hydrology, and astronomy, to ensure they could make sound agricultural, civic, and religious decisions. The curriculum also included esoteric subjects like mythology and meditation, with rigorous fasting and seven-year light seclusion, to prepare future leaders for both temporal and spiritual responsibilities. [9]

In the decades following the Spanish conquest, hunter-killer parties systematically sought out and eliminated xeques, recognizing that dismantling indigenous belief systems required the eradication of religious leaders. In March 1537, just before the arrival of the Spaniards, the Temple of the Moon was dismantled, leading to the dissolution of Los Seminarios de Cucas. With this, much of the Muisca's ancestral lunar knowledge and cultural heritage was lost, along with an enormous quantity of silver plates, ornaments, and artifacts.

1.3 Muisca Archaeoastronomy

Across the ancient world, monuments, shrines, and temples were strategically oriented to align with the first and last rays of the rising and setting sun during the summer and winter solstices, as well as the spring and autumnal equinoxes and key stages of the moon cycle. Muisca festivals and rituals were conducted by xeques, who played a crucial role in mapping agricultural seasons and forming the basis of their calendars. Many hilltops on the Altiplano Cundiboyacense were levelled to serve as astronomical platforms where skywatchers recorded the passage of time. In the valleys, these astronomical platforms often became central hubs for population growth and village establishment. However, most of these platforms were associated with worship of the devil and subsequently destroyed by Spanish conquistadors in the mid-16th century, who repurposed them as foundations for colonial plazas, churches, chapels, cathedrals and Christian burial sites. Consequently, researchers seeking indigenous centres often begin by plotting the locations of colonial church spires, bell towers, shrines and cemeteries.

The most renowned example of indigenous astronomical archaeology in Colombia is El Infiernito (The Little Hell), located on a south-facing hillside approximately two miles from Villa de Leyva in the Boyacá department. This site features a setting of 109 upright standing stones, arranged in two rows - 54 stones in the northern row and 55 in the southern row - aligned east to west. Archaeological evidence suggests that this 2,500-year-old astronomical observatory also served as a sacred centre for spiritual purification rites, particularly on April 9, during the Zenith, when the sun passes directly overhead at noon casting no shadows, known as “the day of no-shadow”.

In 1801, the natural scientist Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859) explored the Muisca territories and proposed that the stone alignments at El Infiernito could be used to “predict astronomical phenomena,” including solar solstices and equinoxes. Additionally, Carl Henrik Langebaek Rueda (1961), a distinguished Colombian historian, archaeologist, and anthropologist, observed that the Vernal and Autumnal equinoxes at El Infiernito indicated the onset of the rainy season. However, Langebaek Rueda also noted that the true alignments of the pillar shadows are on a 91°-271° axis, with the eastern alignment directed towards the summit of the prominent Morro Negro hill, as illustrated in Figure 08, suggesting the site aligns with the rising position of the sun three days before the equinox. [10]

Before applying modern disciplines such as archaeoastronomy to interpret Muisca culture, it is crucial for researchers to recognize that ancient Andean societies perceived space and time differently from contemporary Western perspectives. Western cosmology tends to be anthropocentric, with consciousness focused on the individual and a view of the universe as a collection of isolated, unrelated entities. In contrast, indigenous Andean cultures, including the Muisca, engaged with reality through an animistic and polytheistic framework known as cosmovisión. According to author Catherine Allen’s 2002 book The Hold Life Has: Coca and Cultural Identity in an Andean Community, this term encapsulates the Muisca’s mystical worldview, where words, beliefs, actions, events, and locations were all perceived as possessing both physical and non-material dimensions. This holistic perspective requires a nuanced approach to understanding Muisca astronomical and cartographic practices. [11]

In Muisca mythology, Chía, the Moon goddess, and her consort Sué, the Sun god, were envisioned as a pair of master weavers whose celestial loom spanned the sky, with their patterns changing daily, weekly, monthly, and annually. This dynamic weaving served as the foundation for the Muisca's intricate lunisolar calendar. Key dates in the solar and lunar cycles were integral to religious observances, arts, crafts, and measurements, all of which were meticulously aligned with the sun and moon's rising and setting positions against the horizons throughout the year. This astronomical precision was achieved through the efforts of xeques, or priest-astronomers, who utilized a sophisticated network of platforms and temple observatories to observe and record these celestial events. [12]

In 2009, Colombian professor Juan David Morales significantly advanced the understanding of Muisca cartography with his pioneering research paper, Archaeoastronomy in the Muisca Territory. Morales detailed the how xeques employed “cartographic, topographic, and astronomical principles to align temple locations with natural features described in creation myths.” His research revealed that Muisca priest-astronomers established an extensive network of geodetic alignments, “some extending over 100 miles,” which guided the construction of temples and shrines. Furthermore, Morales highlighted the connection between these alignments and the network of ceremonial roads, calzadas, that linked sacred sites, reflecting the Muisca's sophisticated integration of astronomical and geographical knowledge. [13]

The Muisca’s long-distance geodetic alignments were conceptually akin to the ceque (ceke, seqe) lines of Inca Peru. These alignments were described by Professor Oscar Miro Quesada as "shamanic landscape straight lines," representing the superimposition of inner spiritual space onto the outer physical landscape. In the Inca traditions, a network of 41 or 42 ceque pathways radiated from the Coricancha Temple of the Sun in Cuzco, connecting a total of 328 shrines (huacas or wakas) of significant ancestral, religious, and ceremonial importance. Dr. R. T. Zuidema, a professor of Anthropology and Latin American and Caribbean Studies, noted that the ceque alignment system was “integral to the organization of Inca society and religion.” It provided a structured framework for astronomy and the calendar, effectively integrating the realms of astronomy, cosmology, and sociopolitical order. [14] Inca alignment systems are extensively discussed in several episodes of the History Fuzz podcast, specifically in Episodes #03 with Professor Charles Stanish, Episode #07 with Professor Brian S. Bauer, and Episode #10 with Professor Anthony F. Aveni. These scholars provide valuable insights into the cultural, astronomical, and architectural significance of alignment practices in Inca society.

When selecting locations for new temples Muisca xeques took into account the placement of existing temples, huacas (shrines), and areas rich in natural resources such as mountains, waterfalls, lagoons, and thermal springs. The two solar solstices, equinoxes, and cross-quarter days were pivotal in the Muisca calendar, marking key agricultural, civic, and ritual dates. In 1942 archeologist Eliécer Silva Celis revealed an illustrative example of how the Muisca integrated the sun's annual cycle into their temple architecture. At the Temple of the Sun in Sogamoso, on the day after the winter solstice, 22 June, a unique light phenomenon occurred: a single shaft of sunlight penetrated a slot in the northeast wall of the temple, creating a dagger of light on the central pillar. This event not only marked the midpoint of the solar year but also aligned the Temple of the Sun, the City of the Sun, and the extensive network of subordinate temples across the northern Muisca territories with the Sun god Sué. [15]

Similarly, the city of Chia exemplifies how solar declinations were integrated into Muisca architecture and urban planning. As shown in Figure 11, the Santander main park in Chia and all roads extending from it align along a 113.6° - 293.6° axis, corresponding to the azimuths of the December solstice sunrise and June solstice sunset. On 21 June, observers standing in the central park see the solstice sun setting behind Alto de la Cruz on the Western Hill, marking the border with Tabio. Conversely, on 21 December, the setting sun aligns with Pico del Águila (Eagle's Peak), the border with Cota, as illustrated by the orange line in Figure 11.

Adding another dimension to the geographical significance of the Temple of the Moon at Chia, Colombian architect José Roberto Santos Cúrvelo, a leading expert in Muisca territorial organization, highlighted an intriguing alignment. On the morning of the June solstice sunrise, observers at Chia’s main park saw the sun rise at an azimuth of 66.4° from behind Laguna Guatavita, a site deeply embedded in Muisca creation myths, located 33.7 kilometers (21 miles) to the northeast. Conversely, this alignment could be viewed in reverse: observers at Lake Guatavita would witness the December solstice sun setting behind Chia at an azimuth of 246.4°, indicating the conclusion of the solar year. This reciprocal alignment underscores the interconnectedness of significant Muisca locations and their alignment with celestial events. [16]

2.0 Muisca Creation Myths and Sacred Geography

Muisca territories were intricately crisscrossed with calzadas - long, straight sacred avenues that were traditionally believed to have been traversed by the Sun god Bochica. These avenues, often reserved for the ceremonies of the highest-ranking xeques and dignitaries on holy days, were integral to Muisca cosmology and ritual. Chronicler Fray Alonso de Zamora described one such avenue in the Sogamoso Valley as extending “one hundred leagues” (345 miles or 555 kilometres) in length. [14] In determining the locations of temples and shrines, xeques incorporated both astronomical and mystical principles. They strategically positioned these sacred sites so that the Sun and Moon would rise or set behind prominent natural features such as mountains, hills, caves, and lagoons. [17]

Professor Juan David Morales highlighted that the general orientation of the Muisca territory aligns with the natural 45° axis of the Andean mountains, running from southwest to northeast. Morales argued that this geological alignment was '“symbolically encoded within Muisca mythology,” particularly in the “Road of Bochica” myth, first documented by Pedro Simón in 1699. The Road of Bochica myth describes the journey of the old white-skinned and bearded civilizing god, Bochica, who was a mythological manifestation of the Sun, and the husband of the moon goddess Chia. Arriving from the east, Bochica first appeared to the Chibcha people in the village of Pasca in the Cundinamarca department to the south of Bogotá, and he journeyed northwest, teaching: culture, moral law and ethics, spinning and textile production, arts and craft production, astronomy, agricultural and fishing skills, but also the secrets of metalworking and magic. After preaching in Sogamoso, where the great Temple of the Sun was afterwards built in his honor, Bochica returned to the sky from the village of Iza, or Gamez, where he left his footprint on a rock. [18]

Juan David Morales proposed that the Road of Bochica myth functioned as a “codified system of territorial arrangement” among the Muisca. His hypothesis gained support through his geometric analysis of key locations. Morales drew a line connecting the central plazas of Pasca and Iza - where Bochica was said to have appeared and departed, respectively. This alignment, he observed, had an axis of precisely 45° (illustrated as a red line in Figure 14).

Additionally, Morales identified a second significant alignment extending from the zipa’s temple of the Sun in Bolívar Square, Bogotá, to the Temple of the Sun in Sogamoso. This line also adhered to a geodetic cartographical axis of 45°, mirroring the natural 45° axis of the Andean mountains running from southwest to northeast (depicted as a blue line in Figure 14). Morales noted that the distance between these two temples was “110 kilometres,” which he initially calculated to represent “one degree of the circumference of the Earth.” However, the actual distance between the temples is approximately 110 “miles” (177 kilometres). Despite this discrepancy, Morales’s alignment angle of 45° remains accurate to within half a degree of error. [19]

The observed long-distance 45° alignments linking major temples within the northern and southern regions of the Muisca territories offer fragmentary yet suggestive evidence of a broader cartographic network orchestrated by Muisca xeques. This network appears to have integrated astronomical, topographical, cartographic, cosmological, and mythological principles, and suggests a systematic use of this southwest to northeast orientation as part of a cohesive spatial and ceremonial framework employed by the Muisca civilization.

2.1 The Goranchacha Sun Temple

In Muisca mythology, the Sun Temple at Tunjo (formerly Hunza) is revered as one of the most significant sacred sites in the northern territories. To fully appreciate its archaeoastronomical significance, it is essential to first consider its semi-mythical origins as described by Simon Pedro. According to Muisca legend, the Sun desired to assume human form. Each day, the daughters of the cacique of Guachetá would leave their bohíos (dwellings) and expose themselves on a hillside, hoping to be touched by the Sun's fertile rays. After nine months, one of these maidens gave birth to a large emerald, which miraculously transformed into a baby boy named Goranchacha, meaning “Son of the Sun.”

At the age of 24, Goranchacha journeyed to the city of Ramiriquí, the ancient northern capital, and to the Temple of the Sun in Sogamoso, where he absorbed the teachings of his father, Bochica. Subsequently, he asserted control over the northern territories and established his seat of power in Hunza (modern-day Tunja), founding the first dictatorial government in the Chibcha civilization. Goranchacha imposed strict rules, forbidding his subjects from addressing him or looking him in the face, as he believed such actions undermined his authority. [20]

To consolidate his authority, Goranchacha commissioned the construction of a major Sun temple dedicated to the worship of his father, Bochica. Historical records indicate that the temple was constructed using materials sourced from “the most distant regions of his realm.” Prominent phallic columns of rock were erected in front of the temple, and grand processions were conducted along sacred avenues from remote areas. Chroniclers documented that these journeys took "three days one way, three days of prayer, and three days back," and pilgrims participating in the rituals within the temple's dimly lit, gold-lined inner chamber engaged in ceremonies that included human sacrifices.

Javier Ocampo López recorded the location of Goranchacha’s semi-mythical temple as being "near the last houses of the town [Tunja] to the northern part where they now call the blocks of Porras." The site was rediscovered and excavated by Gregorio Hernández de Alba (1904-1973), a pioneering figure in Colombian archaeology. Today, the remnants of the Goranchacha temple are situated within the grounds of the Pedagogical and Technological University of Colombia in Tunja. The excavation revealed two large circular structures with exterior "phallic monoliths" and interior wooden poles. At the center of one structure, the remains of a substantial "axis-pole" were found, which had once supported the temple's ceiling. [21]

Professor Morales’ hypothesis - that Muisca xeques positioned pairs of temples along a 45°-225° axis reflecting the natural alignment of the Andes mountains, was corroborated in 2012 by Colombian architect Roberto Santos, who observed that the indigenous cities of Hunza and Chia are similarly aligned along a 45°-225° axis. Specifically, by plotting the coordinates of Goranchacha’s Sun Temple in Hunza at 5° 33′ 8.84″ N, 73° 21′ 27.76″ W, and drawing a line extending to the southwest, terminates at the central plaza in Chia, the site of the Temple of the Moon, precisely 109 kilometres ( 67.8 miles) distant, as illustrated by the red dotted line in Figure 17. [22]

This 45°-225° alignment geographically links the zaque’s Temple of the Sun in Hunza with the zipa’s Temple of the Moon at Chia, symbolically uniting the deities Bochica and Chía. As evidenced by the map in Figure 17, the straight line connecting the two temples (red line) follows the natural ridge of the mountains, while the old low-road between Tunja and Chia (black line) aligns with this orientation. This geodetic alignment not only reflects the spiritual and astronomical considerations of the Muisca but also facilitated practical connections between settlements and temple-observatories along this route.

2.2 Mythological Alignments

Professor Morales revealed that the Muisca myth, The Road of Bochica, contains cartographical content related to a 45°-225° geodetic axial alignment used in the positioning of temples dedicated to the sun god in Bogotá and Sogamoso. Notably, the Temple of the Moon at Chía and the Goranchacha Sun Temple in Hunza (Tunja) share this 45°-225° alignment. Furthermore, additional research indicates that another prominent Muisca myth, Bochica’s Staff, also encodes geographic information relevant to the Muisca's territorial arrangement practices.

According to Pedró Simon in 1699 CE, after arriving in Pasca, teaching in Cota, and departing from Iza, Bochica’s followers, influenced by the hedonistic ways of his wife, Chía, the Moon goddess, fell into disarray. In response, Chibcachum, the rain god, sent a devastating flood that ravaged the Savanna. The ruling zipa, seeking to end the destruction, prayed for Bochica’s intervention from his Sun Temple dedicated to Bochica in Funza. After consulting and meditating with local chiefs, Bochica led a pilgrimage from Funza to a rock dam in the southwest that was blocking the Bogotá River and causing the flood. Standing upon a rainbow, he struck the rock with his golden staff, creating the Salto del Tequendama, thus relieving the flood and saving the people. As punishment, Chibcachum was condemned to bear the weight of the Earth on his shoulders, resembling the figure of Atlas in Greek mythology, while Bochica transformed Chía into a white owl, condemning her to eternally circle the moon. [23]

In 2019, the locations mentioned in Bochica’s Staff were plotted, revealing a 39°-219° northeast-to-southwest alignment. This alignment includes Tequendama, where Bochica struck his staff; the Zipa's temple of Bochica in Funza; the central plaza in Cota, where Bochica taught; and the residence of his wife at the Moon Temple in Chía. This alignment not only spans from the largest natural huaca in Muisca mythology, the Tequendama falls, to the chief Moon Temple in Chía, thereby defining the southern and northern territorial limits of the Zipa, but also symbolizes the sacred union of Bochica, the Sun god, and Chía, goddess of the moon. Additionally, modern roads between Chía, Cota, Funza, and Tequendama overlay portions of this alignment, indicating that it may have once served as a Muisca pilgrimage path connecting these four ritual sites.

While this foundational geographic alignment extending from the Tequendama Falls to the moon temple at Chia was created in mythology by Bochica, in reality, the famous waterfall marked the end of the crop-producing savanna and the southern extremes of the zipa’s territories. Symbolically, this Bochica’s Staff alignment “marries” the Sun god Bochica (Tequendama Falls) with the moon goddess Chia (Temple of the Moon,) who are represented in myths as husband and wife. At the end of the myth of Bochica’s Staff, the god cast his wife Chia “into the sky,” which might be a reference to the temple of Chia being located at the northern terminus of this foundational territorial alignment. And according to the findings of researcher Manuel Arturo Izquierdo Peña, so important to Musyca cosmology was this heavenly matrimony of the sun and moon, that their most sacred dates were ellipses, and their calendars were composed of counted full moons since the arrival of Bochica. [24]

It is clear that Muisca surveyors had a rich understanding of how to bisect angularly accurate linear alignments, but their units of measurement are yet unknown to historians and archaeologists, however, within this alignment, a pattern of consistent measurements suggests that the placement of the four sites was determined with spatial precision, likely employing a standardized unit of measurement. For instance, the distance from the centre of Santander park in Chia, the site of the lunar temple Temple, to the centre of the plaza in Cota is precisely 7.5 kilometres (4.66 miles). This represents exactly half the distance between Cota Plaza and the Zipa’s residence in Funza, measured at 15 kilometres (9.32 miles), and this proportionality implies a deliberate and structured approach in positioning these significant locations.

3.0 Measuring Lunar Landscapes

During this research project, another distinctive spatial pattern emerged centred on the recurring distance of 7.5 kilometres (4.66 miles) between key village plazas/temples surrounding the moon temple in Chía. This measurement appears to have been a deliberate determinant in the siting of these ceremonial locations, hinting at an underlying spatial logic rooted in standardized distances. Specifically, measurements from the main park in Chía to the plazas of the surrounding villages: Tabio, Cajicá, and Cota revealed they are also positioned exactly 7.5 kilometres (4.66 miles) away, suggesting this measurement may have served as a guiding metric in the Muisca’s architectural and astronomical practices.

This consistency in distances implies that Muisca planners may have intentionally used this unit to establish a network of lunar temples and observational points, positioning them to align with lunar or other celestial phenomena. Such a configuration would not only reflect a sophisticated understanding of spatial organization but also underscore the cultural and ritual importance of maintaining fixed distances within this landscape. As illustrated in Figure 21, the regularity of these measurements highlights the likelihood of a premeditated system for positioning lunar observatories, strengthening the hypothesis that the Muisca utilized specific units of measure to determine locations of their sacred sites within the broader environment.

The realization that the plazas of the three closest villages to the Moon Temple in Chía - Cota, Cajicá, and Tabio - are each situated precisely 7.5 kilometres (4.66 miles) away raises questions about the underlying purpose of this spatial pattern. Could this configuration reflect an intentional alignment tied to ancient lunar observation practices? Alternatively, might this spatial phenomenon be associated with the Muisca’s ritualistic veneration of Chía, the Muisca triple moon goddess? Muisca xeques performed public ceremonies, rituals, and feasts according to the lunar phases, with three monthly ceremonies reflecting the waxing, full, and waning moon. If simultaneous rites were conducted at these three satellite temples, this would symbolically unite the entire agricultural region in a sacred lunar trinity, harmonizing their worship with the primary ceremonies held at the central Moon Temple in Chía.

Investigating how the xeques may have achieved such spatial precision in positioning these temples, the hypothesis emerges that the surveyors likely used a system of line-of-sight posts to measure and establish the fixed distances. Given the flat terrain between Chía, Cota, and Cajicá, this method would have allowed for accurate alignment using chains or calibrated ropes as measuring tools. However, the Western Hill overlooking Chia, obstructs the line of sight between Chía and Tabio, suggesting that the surveyors might have plotted the location of the Tabio temple from an elevated point with visibility over both Chía and Tabio. Notably, on the Western Hill, located precisely on the geodetic alignment between Chía's main park and Tabio plaza, stands a historic territorial boundary for the indigenous lands of Chía, Tabio, and Tenjo, positioned where the three dotted alignment lines converge in Figure 31. This strategic positioning underscores the advanced surveying techniques likely employed by the Muisca to align these sacred sites across the landscape with remarkable accuracy.

3.1 2 Field Survey, 2019

After three years of intensive cartographic research aimed at mapping the alignments within the southern Muisca territories, it was time to conduct an on-site exploration of the Chía-to-Tabio alignment. To carry out this project, a dedicated team of investigators joined me in Colombia in October 2019 for a non-intrusive archaeological survey. The team comprised Walter Payne, a Remote Sensing Technology scientist from the United States; Lori Umberg, an anthropologist also based in the U.S.; Noah Wendrich, an 18-year-old student from Caithness, Scotland, attending Thurso High School; and Jay Parker, an English researcher residing in Colombia. Over a five-day period, the team meticulously surveyed the Chía-Tabio alignment using drones, carefully tracing its path across the varied terrain of fields and hills. This collaborative effort marked a significant step in advancing our understanding of the Muisca’s sophisticated alignment techniques and their potential astronomical and cultural implications.

To reach the hilltop territorial boundary identified by the Chía-to-Tabio alignment, one must follow the historic hill road connecting Tabio and Chía. At the road’s highest point, a steep, overgrown trail ascends the northern face of the hill to the first of two summits, located at coordinates 4° 53' 43.49"N, 74° 4' 52.90"W. This particular hilltop is historically significant, as it once served as an access point to the zipa’s sacred Camino Real (Royal Road), a route guarded by strategically positioned stations along its length between temple observatories.

Upon reaching this hilltop, we discovered a cleared and levelled rectangular platform, measuring approximately 18 by 6 meters (20 by 60 feet). The platform is defined by large boulders that were cleared from the area and arranged to mark its distinct rectangular shape. This feature appears to have marked the entrance to the sacred Muisca pathway, serving both practical and ceremonial functions as part of the carefully maintained infrastructure supporting the Zipa’s royal and religious processions.

This expansive hilltop observatory was meticulously constructed with astronomical considerations, aligning with the four cardinal points and providing uninterrupted views to significant landmarks. To the west, it offers a sweeping vista over Tabio, Peña de Juaica, and as far as Tablazo Hill, while to the southeast, observers can clearly see the main park in Chía and the Eastern Hills beyond Bogotá, and the zipa’s residence in Funza is visible in the south.

Following the Camino Real southwest from the rectangular platform along the hill ridge, after approximately 200 meters (656 feet), one reaches the second summit of the hill, located at coordinates 4° 53' 36.33"N, 74° 4' 56.95"W. This secondary peak lies precisely on the Chía-Tabio alignment, underscoring its likely intentional placement as part of a broader spatial and ceremonial network, carefully designed to integrate both geographical and astronomical orientations.

As the Camino Real approaches the second peak, a striking assemblage of large stones becomes visible, including what appears to be the remnants of a collapsed 20 meter (65.62 feet) long wall oriented southeast to northwest. This wall, composed of substantial polygonal stones, was constructed directly upon the natural bedrock. The upper stones, which likely once capped the wall, have since fallen backward onto the Camino Real. However, portions of the structure remain intact, displaying an interlocking masonry technique reminiscent of the earthquake-resistant construction methods seen in contemporary Inca structures in Peru, suggesting a sophisticated understanding of stability and durability that may have influenced or paralleled regional building practices.

On the western side of the hilltop, overlooking Chía and situated directly in front of the collapsed wall, is a 2² meter (6.5² feet) section of bedrock that has been meticulously carved in relief to resemble a human head and face, adorned with headgear. This carving is defined by two deep, vertical, and parallel channels, each measuring 20.23 centimeters (8 inches) in depth and 25.4 centimeters (10 inches) in width. Several rows of horizontal chisel marks are still visible on the underside of the rock, while the rear of the carving has been smoothed to form a saddle-like shape. This feature likely served as a platform where Muisca skywatchers could position themselves, either to guard the hilltop or observe astronomical events unfolding along the eastern horizon.

Assuming that the two circular features represent eyes, the face is oriented at 66.5° northwest, towards the rising June solstice sun. Notably, this alignment identifies Lake Guatavita, situated at 66.8° northeast, a location of significant cultural and ritual importance. This precise alignment suggests that the carved rock acted as a mirador—a viewing platform designed for observing celestial events, particularly the rising of the sun and moon. In this context, it is likely that the rock was specifically enhanced for monitoring the celestial phenomena occurring behind the sacred Lake Guatavita, situated at the northern end of the Eastern Hills.

Beside the mirador, the landscape transitions from the natural terrain to the modern Acacia and Eucalyptus tree line, which marks the point where the Camino Real reaches the indigenous territorial boundary of Chía, Cota, and Tenjo. This boundary is distinctly marked by a three-meter-high (9 feet) cement beehive structure, surmounted by a brick tower. The beehive structure, a modern construction, serves as a clear territorial marker, its unique design evoking both a sense of place and historical continuity within the region. The brick tower perched atop the beehive adds another layer of significance, symbolizing the merging of the past and present, with the tower perhaps serving as a modern emblem of the boundaries once carefully delineated by the ancient Muisca.

This boundary marker is not just a geographical delineation but also a cultural one, underscoring the continued significance of these ancient territorial lines. The site where the Camino Real intersects this boundary offers a powerful juxtaposition of the Muisca’s carefully constructed sacred roads and the modern markers that now signify these same territories. The alignment of the Camino Real, the placement of the mirador, and the territorial boundary marker together reflect the ongoing relationship between the landscape, cultural practices, and surveying integrity of the Muisca people, both in antiquity and today.

Approximately 40 meters (131 feet) south of the modern territorial boundary marker, along the Camino Real, lies the precise location where the alignment between Chía and Tabio crosses the hilltop. This spot is marked by a bronze survey marker, placed by the Colombian National Institute of Geography in 1939. The marker, countersunk into a cement plinth painted with orange and white stripes, is situated directly atop the alignment that connects the main Temple of the Moon at Chía with the plaza in Tabio. This geographical and ceremonial intersection highlights the ongoing significance of the region's spatial design and the precision with which these sacred routes and alignments were established.

Our investigation of the hilltop alignment involved comprehensive drone surveys of the Camino Real and the surrounding fields at the base of the hill. During this fieldwork, we uncovered an exceptional archaeological feature on the east side of the Western Hill, which reveals a highly advanced water management system - an essential aspect of Muisca society where water was both a sacred and utilitarian resource. Three streams flowing down the hillside had been expertly rerouted to converge into a vast, 100-meter-wide (328 feet) enclosed water basin. To ensure the water's containment, a four-meter-high (13.2 feet) stone wall was constructed, effectively preventing any water from escaping. This reservoir was carefully engineered to release water into the surrounding agricultural fields when required, thus providing a crucial irrigation system. This discovery underscores the Muisca's sophisticated understanding of hydrology and their deep reverence for water as both a sacred and life-sustaining element, central to their religious and agricultural practices.

3.2 Unearthing Tears of the Moon

In a country plagued by illegal treasure hunters, or guaqueros, who routinely dynamite Muisca graves and sacred sites under the cover of night to sell looted artifacts to underground international markets, modern Colombian heritage and archaeology laws strictly prohibit excavation at archaeological sites, natural parks, and areas of ecological sensitivity. However, researchers are permitted to engage with landowners and farmers, seeking permission to conduct non-intrusive investigations on private properties, a practice that allows for valuable archaeological discoveries without disturbing the integrity of the sites. [25]

On the final afternoon of our investigation, while surveying an undisclosed location along the alignment between Chía and Tabio, Walter Payne, using a handheld metal detector, made an extraordinary find. He detected a rare and unique statuette of the Moon Goddess Chía, partially visible just beneath the topsoil. Remarkably, the statuette was found without the need for any excavation, as the topsoil had naturally eroded to reveal its base. This discovery not only adds to the growing body of evidence about the sacred lunar worship in the region, but it also highlighted the potential for non-invasive methods in uncovering significant archaeological artifacts, ensuring their preservation and contributing to a broader understanding of Muisca culture.

Chía, the Chibcha goddess of the moon, holds a significant place in Muisca culture as the wife of Bochica and the spiritual mother of the zipa, symbolizing fertility, magic, and agricultural success. This small but intricate statuette of Chía, weighing just 32 grams (1.3 oz) and measuring 2 centimetres (0.79 inches) in both height and breadth, was crafted using the lost-wax casting technique, a method commonly used by the Muisca metallurgists. The statuette is made of an alloy known as tumbaga, a mix of gold, silver, and copper, which was widely utilized in the region due to its favorable properties for casting. The figurine clearly identifies Chía through her symbolic features: her full breasts, pregnant belly, and distinctive skull-cap, reflecting her role as the goddess of the moon and fertility.

The damage to her head is likely due to an air bubble trapped in the molten metal during the casting process, a common issue in metallurgical work. The interior of the head appears to be silver, indicating that the tumbaga alloy may have been insufficiently mixed, which led to an imbalance in the material distribution. This detail not only reflects the craftsmanship of the Muisca but also highlights the challenges faced by ancient metallurgists in their quest for perfection in casting precious metals

Furthermore, an almost microscopic single flake of gold appears on the right foot which might have fallen into the amalgam while it was being poured into the wax mould, but it might also be resultant from the tumbaga not having been smelted and mixed evenly.

The intricate details on the Muisca moon goddess Chia statuette, including the tiny fingers, eyes, breasts, mouth, skull-cap, and the meticulously crafted horizontal marks on the sides of her face and body, all suggest the use of exceptionally fine tools. These features indicate that the creator employed blades and points of extreme sharpness, capable of producing microscopic scores on the original clay model.

The inlaid silver foil at the center of her belly, forming a small hole, most probably represents the full moon - a key symbol of fertility - highlighting her association with the moon goddess Chia, who was revered as both the spiritual mother and the patron deity of the zipa, the leader of the southern Muiscas.

The statuette exemplifies the spiritual and cultural significance the Muisca placed on their deities and the materials they used to represent them. The use of tumbaga, with its complex alloy mix, showcases the advanced metallurgical techniques employed by the Muisca people, who were known for their expertise in goldsmithing and other forms of metalwork, which were central to their religious and social practices. The figurine also provides insight into the importance of Chía in Muisca cosmology, acting as a spiritual guide for the zipa and the people of the region. [26].

Conclusions

This research makes a substantial contribution to the study of Muisca archaeoastronomy, territorial organization, and creation myths, underscoring the central role of celestial alignments in Muisca culture. By identifying previously uncharted geodetic alignments associated with the Temple of the Moon in Chía, this study enhances our comprehension of how the Muisca wove astronomical knowledge into their built environment, demonstrating an advanced awareness of celestial phenomena. These findings align with earlier work by Professor David Juan Morales, who identified long-distance alignments of solar temples along the 45°-225° axis of the Andes mountains. Morales’s suggestion that the Muisca creation myth, The Road of Bochica, encodes elements of indigenous territorial organization is further substantiated by our discovery of an alignment connecting significant sites mentioned in the myth Bochica’s Staff, such as the Tequendama waterfall, the Zipa’s residence in Funza, the Cota plaza, and the Temple of the Moon in Chía. This alignment underscores the strategic importance of locating ritual sites in unifying southern Muisca territories and reinforces the intricate relationship between mythology, geography, and governance in Muisca society.

Our examination of the Chía-to-Tabio alignment within the broader Muisca cultural landscape reveals a society deeply attuned to both celestial and terrestrial realms. The construction of temple-observatories, water redirection techniques, and the meticulous crafting of symbolic artifacts like the Chía statuette all reflect the Muisca’s advanced technological and spiritual practices. The discovery of the rare Chía statuette, representing the Muisca moon goddess, highlights their sophisticated metallurgical techniques, particularly in the use of tumbaga, a gold, silver, and copper alloy, emphasizing their skill in producing religious symbols. This artifact, recovered from a prominent geodetic alignment, reveals tangible evidence of the Muisca tradition of placing precious metal offerings at strategic landscape points, enhancing their territorial organization, authority, and belief systems while connecting the physical land with their spiritual cosmology.

Integrating metallic artifacts with the sacred spaces of creation mythology, the Muisca demonstrated a profound understanding of geography, astronomy, hydrology, and metallurgy. These insights enrich our understanding of indigenous Andean cultures and their complex environmental adaptations, contributing valuable knowledge to the region’s remarkable pre-Columbian cultural achievements.

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